Washington's
Post gave a Buffalo researcher in the "cultural history of infrastructure" space to argue, "
Joe Biden’s love of Amtrak tells us how he would govern." I'd like to think that such a researcher might at least be able to
mention en passant fellow O Scaler (and
Harvard professor)
John Stilgoe, but no.
Amtrak epitomizes Biden’s ideological commitments to incremental governance, dealmaking and compromise. In fact, the country’s passenger rail system owes its survival to the same brand of consensus politics Biden learned in Newcastle, Del. This conciliatory approach to getting things done, known as “the Delaware Way,” held that personal rapport could overcome partisan division and that corporate benevolence could bring about economic justice.
It is more accurate to think of Amtrak as a
perpetual muddle, but I digress.
Afraid that the entire rail industry would rust into oblivion on his watch, President Richard Nixon signed into law the National Railroad Passenger Corporation in 1970. This act allowed ailing railroads to jettison their failing passenger operations in return for investing in a new “quasi-public corporation” that would run those trains in their stead. Part joint-stock company, part socialized utility, Amtrak would be responsible for patching together a new nationwide passenger network and running it at a profit — something no railroad had achieved in decades. Congress would cover operating losses temporarily until Amtrak could put trains back in the black.
There is nothing quite so permanent as a temporary arrangement. Amtrak might have been part of a federal effort to rescue the railroads: the
freight part turned out OK thanks to deregulation and a consolidation of the eastern trunk lines that was only fifty years and a
whole lot of false starts in the making.
With its futile profit mandate, tenuous subsidy and ragtag roster of hand-me-down trains, Amtrak struck many as a joke: a bleak parody of hapless bureaucracy and sad remnant of America’s storied railroad past. Even an Amtrak customer brochure implored riders to “please be patient. It’s going to take time.”
Against daunting odds (and Nixon’s own cynical belief that the railroad would collapse after he left office and was no longer on the hook), Amtrak survived. By slashing 50 percent of its inherited routes, Amtrak doubled down on a bare-bones system until passengers began returning. Amtrak purchased new locomotives, refurbished coach interiors and began slapping its jaunty American flag paint scheme on all trains. Between 1973 and 1976, Amtrak acquired most of the Northeast Corridor between Boston and Washington from the bankrupt Penn Central, which could no longer maintain the high-speed line’s tracks, bridges and catenary.
Professor Alff is a youngster in an
English department, thus we can forgive him for not noting the Arab oil embargoes inducing passengers to return (I would expect that of a transportation economist of a comparable age), and yes, there has been a lot of
money put into the Acela corridor over the years, but has he
ridden a train from
Buffalo to anywhere lately, or tried to get between
Chicago and the Cities? The farther you get from Delaware, the less good Amtrak looks.
In keeping with the civic corporatism that characterized the Delaware Way, Amtrak would atone for capitalistic neglect to make free enterprise work for the American public again. Funding the National Rail Passenger Corporation, Biden argued, was a matter of preserving competition in domestic travel markets prone to monopoly control by buses and planes. He predicted that Amtrak would eventually shed its subsidy to become independent. After voting for a transportation appropriations bill in 1986, Biden addressed the railroad’s naysayers: “I look forward as much as anyone to the day when Amtrak states that it no longer needs any assistance.”
Like the Postal Service, federal mortgage companies and other government-owned corporations, Amtrak has proven abhorrent to its critics as it has grown indispensable to its users. Biden would lead congressional opposition against “numerous attempts … to wreck the Amtrak System,” ranging from Reagan-era budget cuts to George W. Bush’s attempt to privatize passenger trains. He defended Amtrak’s annually-imperiled subsidy against deficit hawks, “the cement folks and the asphalt folks” who favored roads to rails and his cross-aisle friend Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), who denounced Amtrak as “the great train robbery.” Critics complained that the government was over-investing in an antiquated mode of travel at a time when most Americans drove, flew and bussed between cities.
Perhaps the way forward is to, oh, introduce more capitalism into transportation, by
spending less public money on uneconomic roads, and
treating the productive roads as assets. That' though, is the antithesis of whatever this civic corporatism is, or for that matter, the propensity of politicians to tax, regulate, and spend other peoples's money.
Amtrak satisfies nether a left-wing desire for radical infrastructural development nor the right’s championing of free enterprise and austere budgets. Amtrak ensures that Americans will have trains to ride. It also guarantees those machines will never be mistaken for Japanese Bullet Trains or French TGVs. An uncompromising proponent of compromise, Amtrak Joe wagers that a “leaner, cleaner, greener 21st century” requires all the trade-offs and contradictions embodied by a corporation for the people.
Now there is a ringing endorsement. (And I bet Mr Biden's chartered train had chartered catering, too, not the
glorified box lunches sleeper passengers now get.) Meanwhile, in Florida the
Brightline service could
show Amtrak Regional a thing or two, and it's private money developing a
service in Texas that
might some day be mistaken for a Japanese bullet train.