National Review's Charles W. Cooke, in the course of
complaining about the two Republican parties, inadvertently stumbles on the real problem.
A little under ten years ago — before the rise of Trump, but after the 2014 midterms — I appeared on a morning cable-news show to discuss the transient politics of the day. I cannot, if I am honest, remember our exact topic of conversation, but, whatever it was, I ended up criticizing then-president Obama for his approach and then outlining in as much detail as the truncated format would allow what I would prefer the federal government do instead. Having done this, I stopped talking, leaned back in my chair, and waited patiently for the rebuttal. But it never came. Instead, I was condescendingly informed by one of the show’s ostensibly neutral co-hosts that, if I wanted the conservative moment or the Republican Party to have any say over public policy, then they would have first “to win an election.”
Recall, dear reader, that voters shellacked Mr Hope and Change in both of the mid-term elections, ousting Nancy Pelosi as speaker of the House and the lying, conniving Harry Reid as majority leader in the Senate. Mr Cooke's interlocutor might have been right about that "win an election," as Mr Obama had his vaunted "pen and a phone" to impose his will, and now his tool-kit includes puppet strings. Mr Cooke grasps that argument in part and rejects it in part.
What [Washington Republicans] didn’t control was the presidency, and, for my interlocutor, this was all that seemed to matter. For him, it seemed, the president and “elections” were synonymous. The only government that mattered was the federal one, and the only branch that mattered was the executive.
I am reminded of this moment whenever I see a political commentator transmute his thoroughly reasonable criticism of Donald Trump into a wholesale condemnation of the Republican Party and the ideas that it exists to represent. It is true that Trump is a capricious, chaotic bore, and that, in their cowardice, many within the national GOP have allowed him to play with their convictions as if they were plasticine. It is not true, however, that this failing has infected the institution in toto. Indeed, if you can bear to glance past the psychodrama that is this year’s presidential election — and to search instead at the state and local levels at which American governance takes place — you will find a Republican Party that, far from being impotent, arbitrary, unmoored, or devoid of ideas, is sensible, focused, and busy contriving and implementing its plans.
In part, there is a presidential cult because
Democrats do presidential cults so well, and it might exist to give those
poseurs on the Sunday shows something to carry on about while the Militant Normals are paying attention to football or basketball.
The [Democrat] party has long been more focused on the presidency than it is on other offices, and what likely happened is get-out-the-vote operations mentioned the presidency, but didn't offer any advice on the auditor general, State House delegate, or dog-catcher. (Incidentally, let me throw a challenge flag on that talk of network decision desks suppressing votes with early calls. Decision desks focus on the presidency, the senators, governors, if there are any, and maybe the size of the House caucuses. They don't spend any time on state houses or auditor general or school board representatives, or the dog-catcher. Stay in line, if only for your neighbor's sake, or to convince your neighbor to chill.)
Mr Cooke complains, perhaps accurately, that neither the Sunday show poseurs nor the Trump organization managing the national campaign
pay enough attention to what goes on in the state houses, the city councils, and yes, the dog pounds.
[L]ook elsewhere and you will witness enormous progress, too. In Georgia, Ohio, Texas, Virginia, Iowa, Tennessee, Arizona, and more, Republicans have taken their charge seriously and used the power that they have gained to advance the political ball. In those places, and more, they have cut taxes, reduced regulation, moved toward school choice, protected the right to work, resisted illegal immigration, passed restrictions on abortion, reformed public-school curricula, ushered in permitless carry, and more. Not every state has ticked off every item on that list, and the degree to which each has been able to reach its ideal has been tempered by the usual combination of electoral success and local differences in mood. These failures, however, are not for lack of care or lack of resolve. In Texas last year, Republicans were thwarted in their push for school choice. In response, they primaried the holdouts, and, per Governor Abbott, they now have the votes. That, right there, is how it ought to be done.
Perhaps, given that Mr Trump includes visual aids in his rallies, his team ought prepare charts showing where the net migration has been, and where the net private sector job gains are, during the Harris-Biden presidency. That might be the best riposte to any claim by Democrats that Bidenomics is working.
Not only are state-level elected Republicans serious; they are driven by an agenda that would have been easily recognizable as “conservatism” at any point in the last 50 years. Plucky little realist that I am, I remain as indifferent toward “vibes” in this realm as in any other. Credit is due where it is due, and, here, it is due — whatever else may be happening on Twitter and on TV.
What the national government
mostly has to do is leave us alone, let us elect our governors, our state representatives, our mayors, our city councils, and our dog-catchers. Let us bet on emergence. That's not what Democrats, national
or local. will offer us.